No. 12-144
In the
Supreme Court of the United States
DENNIS HOLLINGSWORTH, ET AL.,
Petitioners,
v.
KRISTIN M. PERRY, ET AL.,
Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the United States
Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit
BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE
CHRIS KLUWE AND BRENDON AYANBADEJO
IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS
TIMOTHY R. HOLBROOK
Associate Dean of Faculty
and Professor of Law
Emory University School of Law
1301 Clifton Rd NE
Atlanta, GA 30322
(202) 507-4500
JOHN A. DRAGSETH
Counsel of Record
Fish & Richardson P.C.
60 S. 6th St. – Suite 3200
Minneapolis, MN 55402
(612) 335-5070
dragseth@fr.com
Counsel for Amici Curiae ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ...................................... iii
INTEREST OF THE AMICI CURIAE ....................... 1
INTRODUCTION ........................................................ 2
ARGUMENT ............................................................... 3
I. PROFESSIONAL SPORTS PLAY A
MAJOR ROLE SHAPING PUBLIC
OPINION AND URGING SOCIETAL
PROGRESS, LIKE IT OR NOT ............................. 3
II. THE NINTH CIRCUIT'S DECISION IS
FULLY CONSISTENT WITH VIEWS OF
EQUALITY IN THE CONSTITUTION
AND WITH PRECEDENT .................................. 10
CONCLUSION .......................................................... 15iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Cent.,
473 U.S. 432 (1985) ............................................. 11
Cleveland Bd. of Educ. v. LaFleur,
414 U.S. 632 (1974) ............................................. 12
Griswold v. Connecticut,
381 U.S. 479 (1965) ............................................. 12
Lawrence v. Texas,
539 U.S. 558 (2003) ............................................. 14
Loving v. Virginia,
388 U.S. 1 (1967) ........................................... 12, 13
M.L.B. v. S.L.J.,
519 U.S. 102 (1996) ............................................. 12
Romer v. Evans,
517 U.S. 620 (1996) ............................................. 11
Zablocki v. Redhail,
434 U.S. 374 (1978) ............................................. 12
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Ted Berg, U.S. Soccer Player Rogers Retires,
Comes Out in Blog Post, USA Today, Feb.
15, 2013, ...........................7
Dan Black et al., Demographics of the Gay
and Lesbian Population in the United
States: Evidence from Available
Systematic Data Sources, Demography
150 (May 2000) ........................................... 12
Mark Cuban, The Mavs are a Business
Unlike Any Other, blog maverick (Feb. 12,
2013, 11:54 AM) ................... 4
Stan Grossfeld, No Royalty like King, Bos.
Globe, Dec. 3, 2006 ..............5
Ben Haggerty (a/k/a MACKLEMORE), Same
Love, on The Heist (Macklemore LLC
2012) .................7
Justice B. Hill, One Meeting, Two Men, a
Changed World, mlb.com (Apr. 15, 2008
12:11 PM) ....................6
Henry J. Kaiser Family Found., Children Get
Mixed Messages from Famous Athletes,
Both On and Off the Field, Oct. 12, 2000 .........................6
Macklemore's Gay Anthem, Studio 360 (Nov.
30, 2012)............................7
Cal Thomas, The Man, Townhall.com (Jan.
21, 2013) ............................5
Any Wallace, “Ocean-ography” (Interview
with Frank Ocean), GQ Magazine, Dec.
2012 ...........8
INTEREST OF THE AMICI CURIAE
1.Chris Kluwe is the punter for the Minnesota
Vikings of the National Football League. He majored
in political science and history at UCLA. Chris
currently contributes to a number of popular
publications, and is best known outside of football for
his advocacy on behalf of same-s** marriage. He
drew broad attention for his recent open letter on the
sports website Deadspin regarding a Maryland state
delegate's effort to silence such advocacy in violation
of the First Amendment, and he has discussed his views on equality on The Colbert Report, The Ellen DeGeneres Show, The
Nerdist podcast, and in the documentary “The Last
Barrier.”
Brendon Ayanbadejo is a linebacker and threetime Pro Bowler for the Super Bowl Champion Baltimore Ravens. The child of a Nigerian father
and Irish-American mother, he was taunted over his
parents' right to be married when growing up in the
Lathrop Holmes housing project on the West side of
Chicago, and sees today's fight to legalize same-s**
marriage as the 21st century version of the fight for
racial equality. Brendon majored in history at
UCLA, wrote for the Santa Cruz Sentinel early in his
NFL career, is the union representative for the
Ravens, and expects to obtain an MBA this Spring
from George Washington University. He advocated
for the pa**age of the FIT Kids Act, and more
recently for same-s** marriage, dating back to a
posting he wrote that was published by the
Huffington Post. His advocacy gained attention
when the Maryland delegate mentioned above,
writing on state letterhead, urged the Ravens to
“take the necessary action . . . to inhibit such
expressions from your employees.” Upon noting that his parents' marriage would have been illegal in 16
states before Loving v. Virginia was decided,
Brendon stated that he would not be silent on this
issue of equality, conscience, and public importance.
Chris and Brendon believe and advocate that,
just as athletes should be judged, not by their s**ual
orientation, but by their performance and the way
they treat their teammates, so too should people be
judged as citizens by how they act and treat others,
and not what they inherently are.
No counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in part,
and no such counsel or party made a monetary contribution
intended to fund the preparation or submission of this
brief. No person other than the amici curiae or their counsel
made a monetary contribution to its preparation or submission.
Amici understand that Petitioners and Respondents have both
consented to the filing of amicus briefs in this appeal.
INTRODUCTION
Sports figures receive a celebrity status that
influences a large majority of the American
population. For far too long, professional sports have
been a bastion of bigotry, intolerance, and smallminded prejudice toward s**ual orientation, just as they had been to racial differences decades earlier. That is finally changing, and changing drastically.
The NFL, NHL, MLB, and NBA, at the league level,
team level, and individual level, are finally speaking
out against h*mophobia and intolerance of LBGTQ
individuals. More and more of us realize that using
demeaning slur words like “f*ggot,” “queer,” and
“gay” can have serious, negative consequences.
Not necessarily consequences for us. Instead,
consequences for the children and adults who look up
to us as role models and leaders. Consequences for
children and adults who mimic our behavior when
they interact with others. And consequences that
can be severe, long-lasting, and not infrequently lead
to suicide and other serious harm.
America has an ideal—exhibited imperfectly in
the original Constitution and more perfectly in the
Fourteenth Amendment—that all should be treated
equally for what they are. When our government
discriminates properly, it does so, not based on what
we inherently are, but instead to regulate our
negative actions against each other. Courts exist—
because of men who long ago placed individual
freedom as an ultimate principle for their country—
to correct government action that takes away
freedoms when that action is motivated by fear and
prejudice rather than by evidence and logic. This
Court should correct Proposition 8's action to remove
marriage rights from same-s** couples because, as
the district court and the Ninth Circuit majority so
carefully explained, the advocates of Proposition 8
provided no evidence-based rationale—as opposed to
one based on fear and prejudice—for treating
LBGTQ citizens differently with respect to marriage.
ARGUMENT
I. PROFESSIONAL SPORTS PLAY A
MAJOR ROLE SHAPING PUBLIC
OPINION AND URGING SOCIETAL
PROGRESS, LIKE IT OR NOT
Sports receive great attention, the merits of
which can certainly be debated, that influences a
large majority of the American population. With full
respect, we submit that few would blink an eye if
someone could name all eleven starting offensive or
defensive players on their favorite NFL team, but not
name half the members of this Court.
That public focus can be positive and it can be
negative. On the positive side, Dallas Mavericks
owner Mark Cuban recently wrote about how his
NBA franchise is different than all his other
businesses, and he excerpted communications from
fans whose lives had been positively affected:
[U]nlike every other business, making the
most money possible is not a driving
motivation. I try to recognize that Mav's fans
aren't only about wins and losses. . . . In fact,
while they want the Mavs to win, they are
Mavs fans, win or lose. . . . There are fans
who love the Mavs because it makes their
lives better. [¶] There are not many
businesses that can begin to have that kind
of impact on their customers/fans.
Mark Cuban, The Mavs are a Business Unlike Any
Other, blog maverick (Feb. 12, 2013, 11:54 AM).
No one can explain this emotional connection to
sports teams, which causes many to act irrationally.
Attorneys and executives in Washington, D.C. wear
pig snouts and wigs in public and without shame.
Young men who are supposed to be love-stricken
choose the fundamentally unromantic locale of a
ballpark to propose marriage. And neighbors across
thin state lines—who share upbringing, basic values,
occupations, religion, and even hobbies—form
Hatfield-McCoy battle-lines against each other for
decades, based solely on allegiance to professional
sports teams. The natural public pull to professional
sports cannot be explained, but it plainly exists.
Professional sports have real power to motivate, to
inspire, and to form public opinion.
Individual players have similar power,
particularly over young people. Indeed, who can
doubt the effect of players who are so very often
referenced, not ironically, as “heroes.” Stanley Frank
Musial, through a life that included a 72-year
marriage and a Presidential Medal of Freedom was,
in the words of President Obama, “an icon
untarnished, a beloved pillar of the community, a
gentleman you'd want your kids to emulate”—most
definitely “The Man.” See, e.g., Cal Thomas, The
Man, Townhall.com (Jan. 21, 2013). Another Medal of Freedom
Winner, Billy Jean King, was the most admired
woman in the world in 1975 in a poll of Seventeen
Magazine readers, and was described by her prime
rival as “my mentor” and “the wisest human being
that I've ever met [who] has given me advice [on]
dealing with my parents and even how to raise
children.” Stan Grossfeld, No Royalty like King, Bos.
Globe, Dec. 3, 2006. The list goes on—Roberto Clemente, Jim Abbott, Michael Oher, and Muhammad Ali. All an inspiration to
children and adults who have no doubt used their
examples of cla** and dedication to improve their
own lives and the way they treat others.
On a much more substantive level, while some
people may be able to name the first African-American Congressperson or physician, so many more know about, and will never forget, Jackie
Robinson and what he achieved. Professional
baseball was much more than just a game when
Jackie Robinson started playing for the Brooklyn
Dodgers in 1947—“trigger[ing] a revolution that
altered the sociopolitical landscape in America.”
Justice B. Hill, One Meeting, Two Men, a Changed
World, mlb.com (Apr. 15, 2008 12:11 PM). When professional athletes
do the right thing, their efforts are magnified,
sometimes in truly astounding ways.
Unfortunately, the same hyper-focus on
professional sports follows equally for negative
influences. As one national survey concluded,
“American kids are mirroring the behavior of famous
athletes—the good and bad—both on and off the
field.” Henry J. Kaiser Family Found., Children Get
Mixed Messages from Famous Athletes, Both On and
Off the Field, Oct. 12, 2000. The most frequently-reported
instances of bad athlete behavior include crimes
committed, bad sportsmanship, and marital
infidelity.
Under all the bad behavior that makes the news,
male professional sports for far too long have
harbored bigotry, intolerance, and prejudice—with
respect to both race and s**ual orientation. Much
progress has been made on the racial side, and it has
made sports that much better. African-American
players are, of course, now well-represented in
professional sports, and the situation is improving
for coaches and management.
We are just beginning to see progress with
regard to the issue of s**ual orientation. No active
athlete in any of the major male sports has come out,
as professional athletes themselves feel the impact of
h*mophobia, like soccer pro (footballer) Robbie
Rogers, who only came out recently as he retired
from the sport. Mr. Rogers stated:
“Secrets can cause so much internal damage.
People love to preach about honesty, how
honesty is so plain and simple. Try
explaining to your loved ones after 25 years
you are gay. Try convincing yourself that
your creator has the most wonderful purpose
for you even though you were taught
differently.” Ted Berg, U.S. Soccer Player Rogers Retires, Comes
Out in Blog Post, USA Today, Feb. 15, 2013.
Yet many professional athletes are speaking
up—both to clear the way for any teammates who
may be gay and closeted, and from an understanding
of how even seemingly minor acts by professional
athletes can reverberate with the public. Tolerance
is becoming the message in locker rooms and from
teams that recognize they cannot countenance use of
pointless slurs like “f*ggot,” “queer,” and “gay.”
Regardless the intent with which those terms are
spoken, they cla**ify a group and particular people
as synonymous with the lesser, and professional
athletes are beginning to understand that.
These athletes understand that, because of their
public stature, the consequences flow naturally from
their actions even if they cannot see the
consequences. Consequences of being a role model
and leader. Consequences for young children and
adults who mimic our behavior when they interact
with other children and adults. Those consequences
flow because children and adults want to “Be Like
[insert athlete name here].” Athletes are learning
that they can no longer say “I am not a role model”—
that they are forced to be a role model and privileged
to be a role model, and that their words and actions,
no matter how innocently intended, are magnified for
both good and bad. If a professional basketball or
football player says something is “gay,” young boys
on the playground will copy and magnify the
statement. If a hockey player says h*mos**uals are
not welcome in the locker room, a young girl will
shun a teammate who she thinks may be gay—where
that teammate was until then a bright, happy,
smart, and promising kid. After, she will be afraid of
being who she is, and will takes steps, even dire
steps, to avoid it. But if a Pro Bowler treats a teammate as being
an equal who is worthy of his friendship and respect
because that other person is a good friend who places
the team before himself, then high schoolers in
Texas, Georgia, Illinois, Florida, Ohio, Pennsylvania,
California, and Minnesota will not—cannot—miss
that example. If that Pro Bowler speaks out publicly
and kindly, kids will hear it and feel it. Kids who are
already dealing with everything youth throws at
them will know they can treat others as friends and
equals, and those others will know they are equal
and that, without question, it is better to be
themselves than to be hurt. They will follow the
credo, “Live on, and be yourself.”
This Court, incredibly enough, has a central role
in that process. Your stance, your legal reasoning,
will be used by countless people, including athletes,
to justify their actions. People are not wholly
unplugged. They pay attention to what is going on in
the world, what is going on in politics, and what is
going on in the law. Professional athletes are
citizens of this country just like everyone else, and
just like everyone else, the decisions of the Supreme
Court are powerful indicators of acceptable behavior.
Progress can also be seen in other traditionally hidebound
fields, such as rap and R&B music. See, e.g., Ben Haggerty
(a/k/a Macklemore), Same Love, on The Heist (Macklemore LLC
2012), available at http://bit.ly/ZjcMbe (“If I was gay, I would
think hip-hop hates me / Our [hip-hop] culture founded from
oppression, yet we don't have acceptance for ‘em / Call each
other f*ggots, behind the keys of a message board / A word
rooted in hate, yet our genre still ignores it”) (also sampled in this brief); see also Macklemore's Gay Anthem, Studio 360 (Nov. 8) (in an interview: “Those [misogyny and h*mophobia] are the two acceptable means of oppression in hip-hop culture. It's 2012. There needs to be some accountability.”); Amy Wallance, “Ocean-ography” (Interview with Frank Ocean), GQ Magazine, Dec. 2012 (Ocean: “[Y]ou worry about people in the business who you've heard talk that way. Some of my heroes coming up talk recklessly like that. It's tempting to give those views and words—that ignorance—more attention
than they deserve.”).
If the Court reverses the Ninth Circuit, many
professional athletes will take their cues from that.
And that will cause a ripple effect as even more
people follow their role models, their leaders, their
heroes. Those against same-s** marriage? They will use
it as yet another tool to support their preconceived
idea that gay Americans, who pay their taxes, serve
in our military, and by every measure of societal
participation are superior neighbors and citizens, are
instead second cla** members of society. That they
do not deserve the same rights as everyone else. That
separate can be equal.
Those for same-s** marriage? They will see it as
proof that justice is not blind in this country, rather,
that justice does not exist anymore. History shows
that societies suffer when a minority group feels it
has no recourse under the legal system, and that it
must suffer or try something else.
The amici hope that our support for marriage
equality here will matter—both with the Court and
with people looking for confirmation that it is okay to
treat other good people as equals. We know for a
certainty that this Court's decision truly will matter,
and in a tremendous way for many people's lives.
II. THE NINTH CIRCUIT'S DECISION IS
FULLY CONSISTENT WITH VIEWS OF
EQUALITY IN THE CONSTITUTION AND
WITH PRECEDENT
Despite legions of attorneys attached at all
points to this case, the law regarding the equal
protection is pretty simple. In America, if we don't
like something but our dislike is based on nothing
more than gut feel, misunderstanding, or prejudice,
we leave it alone. Live and let live. We want to be
free from your interference, so you too should be free
from ours.
The Constitution and all that this country is
built upon allow governmental discrimination only
for legitimate and evidence-based reasons. We
discriminate against criminals because they are
hurting someone and must be treated differently.
We discriminate against people who want to drive
vehicles by making them pa** a test because we
legitimately want safe roads. And we discriminate
against polluters because we have a legitimate, 11
evidence-based interest in clean water and air. We
allow such governmental discrimination both
because we can readily see a societal basis for it, and
because of a lack of any history of pervasive and
irrational discrimination against such people and
groups.
But we default to freedom from governmental
discrimination—freedom of individuals to lead
peaceful and productive lives. We do that because
our Founders rebelled from overbearing government,
and because they baked that principle right into our
original and amended Constitution, making our
government one of limited powers in general, and
one that must, absent good reason to the contrary,
provide equal protection under the laws to all its
citizens. Much as a referee is to call no penalty
unless there is a foul—and to let athletes play the
game according to their own styles because that
maximizes everyone's enjoyment of the game,
government should stay to the side until and unless
it can identify a real foul that needs correcting.
In making decisions on Constitutionality, this
Court sometimes arrives with a skepticism directed
against the regulator, when the regulation is of a
type that has traditionally been enacted with
improper motivation (e.g., race-based laws), and a
skepticism directed against the regulated when the
field has traditionally been subject to benign laws
(like basic economic regulation). E.g., Romer v.
Evans, 517 U.S. 620, 634 (1996); City of Cleburne v.
Cleburne Living Cent., 473 U.S. 432, 440 (1985).
This case is one that merits closer review of the
government action, as the district court so carefully
identified the historical targeting of gay men and
lesbians via ballot initiatives and other
discrimination despite the undoubted positive
contributions they make to society. E.g., Pet. App.
228a-234a; 264a-279a; 300a. Indeed, how could a
group with such high employment, high educational
achievement, low crime, and high positive societal
participation be the target of so much negative
governmental action, but for improper and irrational
motive?
Moreover, marital choice is a central right in
history and in the history of this Court's
jurisprudence. See Cleveland Bd. of Educ. v.
LaFleur, 414 U.S. 632, 639 (1974). It is “intimate to
the degree of being sacred,” Griswold v. Connecticut,
381 U.S. 479, 486 (1965), and “essential to the
ordinary pursuit of happiness by free men,” Loving v.
Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 12 (1967). Moreover, the Court
has found it to be a**ociated with the fundamental
rights of a**ociation, privacy, and liberty. See M.L.B.
v. S.L.J., 519 U.S. 102, 116 (1996); Zablocki v.
Redhail, 434 U.S. 374, 384 (1978); Griswold, 381
U.S. at 486. Thus, our cultural history and this
Court's history both counsel for a close review by the
Court of the purported reasons for pa**ing
Proposition 8, and taking away a right that same-s**
couples previously held.
Our nation's treatment of LGBTQ citizens also
has parallels to its treatment of racial minorities—
3 See, e.g., Dan Black et al., Demographics of the Gay and
Lesbian Population in the United States: Evidence from
Available Systematic Data Sources, Demography 150 (May
2000) (“The gays and lesbians in the census sample appear to be highly educated, span the distribution of ages, and are similar in racial make-up to the population as a whole.”). though no situation can ultimately compare to that which made Jackie Robinson's actions so important. For example, advocates of racial separation certainly
cited “evidence” for their positions, yet when
an*lyzed, that evidence time and again fell away and
revealed underlying fear and prejudice. Advocates of
racial separation also used labels—ugly, dirty
labels—to mark those they feared and
misunderstood, as do many today, still based on race
but also on s**ual orientation. And such advocates
argued that their proposed legislation was good for
families, yet their logic was largely circular (e.g.,
society wants white people with white people;
therefore, it is good for society if white people stay
with white people) and fell apart on any meaningful
inspection, as do the rationales provided by the
proponents of Proposition 8. E.g., Loving, 388 U.S.
at 8. Without lessening the importance of the
country's long struggle with race, amici submit that
the historical reasons for trying to regulate based on
s**ual orientation are based as much on pretext as
those that tried to regulate based on race. And
certainly if s**ual orientation were something you
could not hide, like skin color, our national history in
this particular area would be much worse.
Yet the Ninth Circuit's decision can and should
stand, based on the record developed below, whether
this Court gives a searching or a pa**ing review of
the reasons that underlie Proposition 8.
The proponents of the law understandably spent little
time at trial on their “Responsible Procreation”
argument, because heteros**ual couples, and
particularly heteros**ual fathers, are plainly
motivated to stay with their children only by factors
wholly separate from whether there might be a gay
couple (married or not) down the street. The
“Proceeding with Caution” argument falls of its own
weight, because it could be applied any time the
majority wants to take rights from the minority.
And the proponents' underlying argument—that
society simply morally disapproves of same-s**
marriage—is lacking in any reason for that
disapproval, and thus reduces to an animus-based
rationale. See Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 582
(2003) (O'Conner, J., concurring).
In short, just as application of the labels “gay”
and “queer” in derogation indicate that one cla** of
people is inferior, deprival of the label and status
“married” equally indicates that the cla** is inferior.
Even a fifth grader knows that words have very
serious meaning, and even a fifth grader can see that
the proponents of Proposition 8 provide no reasoned,
evidence-based rationale for taking away that label
and that all-important status. In America, there
truly is no freedom until we're equal.
When we advance the idea that some people
should be treated differently because of who they
are, demeaned in public as lesser beings, not worthy
of the same rights and benefits as others despite
their actions as good citizens and neighbors, then we
deny them equal protection under the laws. America
has walked this path before, and courageous people
and the Court brought us to the right result. We
urge the Court to repeat those actions here.
CONCLUSION
The amici encourage the Court to affirm the
Ninth Circuit's decision overturning Proposition 8.
Respectfully submitted.
TIMOTHY R. HOLBROOK
Associate Dean of Faculty
and Professor of Law
Emory University School of
Law
1301 Clifton Rd NE
Atlanta, GA 30322
(202) 507-4500
JOHN A. DRAGSETH
Counsel of Record
Fish & Richardson P.C.
3200 RBC Plaza
60 South 6th Street
Minneapolis, MN 55402
(612) 335-5070
dragseth@fr.com
Counsel for Amici
FEBRUARY 2013